Top 25 partylist groups still dominated by rich and powerful

Below are the top 25 partylist groups according to the latest tally of the Comelec. As many as 45 partylist groups may be proclaimed winners and be given seats to fill up the 58 seats allotted for the PL system. From this list, it is quite apparent that most  of the winners come from non-marginalized groups and are in fact already part of the country’s economic and political elite. Some of these partylist groups accredited by the Comelec have nominees who belong to political dynasties that delivered votes from their home provinces. (See related post Dynasties, political clans deliver votes for partylist groups ). A recent Supreme Court ruling allowing even non-marginalized groups, major political parties and non-marginalized nominees is expected to  open the floodgates for more of the rich and powerful seeking congressional seats outside the regular district elections.

The group Senior Citizens, while landing in the top 10 based on the tally, has NOT been proclaimed. It is still a disqualified partylist group that has brought its case to the Supreme Court. The High Court has not issued any decision on the matter.

This post will be updated as soon as the Comelec releases the final list of winning partylist groups.

Data from http://www.rappler.com and http://www.kontradaya.org

NAME		TOTAL VOTES	% TPLV	REMARKS
BUHAY	Buhay Hayaan Yumabong	1,255,734	4.44%	Known to be the parytlist group of Bro. Mike Velarde of the El Shaddai, the current nominees include Velarde’s son Mariano, former Manila Mayor Lito Atienza, and businessman Irwin Tieng of the Tieng faminly that controls Solar Sports.  The representatives of the top partylist group are known multi-millionaires.
A TEACHER	Advocacy for Teacher Empowerment Through Action, Cooperation, and Harmony Towards Educational Reforms	1,033,873	3.65%	The group seems to be more representative of school adminstrators and owners. Top nominee, incumbent Rep. Piamonte, is the former executive director of the Catholic Educational Association of the Philippines (CEAP) and board member of the University of Regina Carmeli in Malolos, Bulacan; 5th nominee, lawyer Joseph Noel Estrada, is the vice president for administration of the Emilio Aguinaldo College (EAC) & executive director of the Coordinating Council of PrivateEducational Associations (Cocopea)
BAYAN MUNA	Bayan Muna	945,639	3.34%	Group will be represented in Congress by two long-time pro bono human rights lawyers, Neri Colmenares and Caloy Zarate.
1-CARE	1st Consumers Alliance for Rural Energy	931,303	3.29%	Previously disqualified by Comelec but was accredited after SC ruling changing the qualifications of partylist groups. Group supposedly seeks to represent electricity consumers, which is a broad category and could include both marginalized and well-off consumers.
AKBAYAN	Akbayan Citizens’ Action Party	820,351	2.90%	During the campaign, Akbayan billed itself as a “coalition partner” of the Aquino regime. The partylist group has gained considerable in-roads in the current government and is believed to be supported by Aquino. Its second nominee was a former undersecretary of the Aquino government. Akbayan has been criticized as being no longer marginalized because of the influence and resources it has gained as part of the ruling coalition. Despite their huge advantage as a coalition partner of Aquino, Akbayan’s votes went down this year compared to the 1.05 million they got in 2010.
AKB	Ako Bicol Political Party	761,115	2.69%	AKB’s representatives in Congress are known multi-millionaires. The group was previously disqualified by Comelec but was accredited after the SC ruling allowing non-marginalized groups and nominees to participate in the partylist race.
ABONO	Abono Party-list	753,161	2.66%	Their representatives come from the Estrella & Ortega political clans in Pangasinan & La Union & are both multi-millionaires. Most of their votes came from Region 1, particularly La Union and Pangasinan where their Estrella and Ortega clans are influential in local politics, having also family members elected via the regular congressional districts. Abono got 33.81% of the total partylist votes in Region I. It got 70.63% of the PL votes in La Union and 36.76% of the PL votes in Pangasinan.
OFW FAMILY	OFW Family Club, Inc.	735,854	2.60%	The nominees of this group are mostly from the Seneres family led by former ambassador Roy Seneres. His son Roy, Jr. is the third nominee while daughter Hannah is the fourth nominee.
GABRIELA	Gabriela Women’s Party	706,194	2.50%	The group will be represented by two women’s rights activists belonging to the progressive women’s movement, Luz Ilagan and Emi de Jesus.
SENIOR CITIZEN	Coalition of Association of Senior Citizens in the Philippines	671,916	2.37%	This group has been disqualified with finality by the Comelec. The group however appears to have sought relief from the Supreme Court. In the absence of any TRO from the SC, the group’s votes will not be counted and will be excluded from the total partylist votes.
COOP-NATCCO	Cooperative NATCCO Network Party	640,180	2.26%	Its current representative has a declared net worth of P6.5 million. Its biggest votes came from Region 7.
AGAP	Agricultural Sector Alliance of the Philippines	588,095	2.08%	Top nominee, incumbent Rep. Briones, is chair of big security firm Audacious Services & is a multimillionaire with a net worth of ₱46.62 M. Most of its votes came from Region 4A.
CIBAC	Citizens’ Battle Against Coruption	578,320	2.04%	The group has two sets of nominees. One led by former representative Luis Lokin and another led by incumbent representative Sherwin Tunga.
MAGDALO	Magdalo Para sa Pilipino	561,613	1.98%	A partylist group organized by former rebel soldiers of the same name.
AN WARAY	An Waray	540,210	1.91%	Top nominee, incumbent Rep. Montejo, is a multi-millionaire with a net worth of ₱19.69 M while his family owns the MontejoNewspaper & Hotel Alejandro, a prominent & luxurious hotel in Tacloban City. Most of its votes came from Region VIII where it got 38.11% of the total PL votes. In Tacloban City, where former An Waray rep Bem Noel is running for mayor, the group got 61.23% of the total PL votes.
ABAMIN	Abante Mindanao, Inc.	465,192	1.64%	Top nominee, incumbent Rep. Rodriguez Jr., is the brother of Cagayan de Oro Rep. RufusRodriguez & is a multi-millionaire with a net worth of ₱9.12 M. Most of its votes came from Region X, being able to get 28.3% of the total PL votes.
ACT TEACHERS	ACT Teachers Party-list	449,710	1.59%	The group will be represented by Antonio Tonio who taught at the University of the Philippines.
BUTIL	Butil Farmers Party	437,084	1.54%	Earlier disqualified by the Comelec  because the group failed to prove that its nominees belong to the agriculture & cooperative sector. The group was later accredited after the SC ruling revising the partylist qualifications.
ACT-CIS	Anti-Crime and Terrorism Community Involvement and Support, Inc.	371,309	1.31%	The group is associated with the Philippine National Police’s (PNP) Criminal Investigation and Detection Group (CIDG) whose head used to be Chief Police Director Samuel Pagdilao Jr. The group is believed to have been a government initiated project later used for the partylist race.
AMIN	Anak Mindanao Party-list	370,351	1.31%	First nominee is the wife of ARMM Governor-elect Mujiv Hataman, who was also formerly the representative of Anak Mindanao. Governor Hataman has demonstrated that he can compete and win in regular elections for the gubernatorial position.  AMIN got 32.9% of the total PL votes in ARMM.
LPGMA	LPG Marketers Association	369,989	1.31%	The group does not represent any marginalized sector; top nominee, Rep. Ty, is a multi-millionaire with a declared ₱15.18 M net worth & an incorporator of Omni Gas Corp., Republic Gas Corp., Pinnacle Gas, Multi Gas Corp., Extraordinaire Gas Corp. & Suncrest Gas Corp.
KALINGA	Kalinga-Advocacy for Social Empowerment and Nation-Building through Easing Poverty, Inc.	367,839	1.30%	The group is associated with the religious group Pentecostal Missionary Church of Christ (4th Watch) with top nominee, incoming Rep. Ferriol being the daughter of PMCC Bishop Arturo Ferriol.
TUCP	Trade Union Congress Party	365,299	1.29%	Top nominee, incumbent Rep. Raymond Mendoza, is a lawyer and husband of North Cotabato Governor Emmylou Taliño Mendoza. Raymond’s father Democrito is TUCP President & Chairman of OPASCOR, a cargo handling company at the Cebu International Airport. While a sectoral party, its biggest votes came from Region 7 and 11.
YACAP	You Against Corruption and Poverty	364,278	1.29%	Top nominee, Rep. Lopez, is a multi-millionaire businesswoman with a declared net worth of ₱29.44 M in 2011. Formerly a “youth” sectoral party, its biggest votes came from only one area, Region XII where it got 23% of the PL votes.
AGRI	Agri-Agra na Reporma para sa Magsasaka ng Pilipinas Movement	363,204	1.28%	Group was earlier disqualified by the Comelec because the group allegedly stopped existing after the 2010 elections, when it ran but lost, and was only revived in February 2012. Group has since been accredited after the SC ruling on partylist qualifications.

Dynasties, political clans deliver votes for partylist groups

Poll watchdog Kontra Daya has been waging a sustained campaign to clean up the partylist system. Its biggest debacle was the recent SC ruling.

The Commission on Elections will soon be proclaiming the winning partylist groups for the 2013 polls. The proclamation is the culmination of a process that saw several groups disqualified only to be latter on re-accredited on the basis of a Supreme Court ruling that allowed non-marginalized groups and nominees to participate in the partylist race. The ruling overturned a long-standing principle that the partylist system was reserved for the marginalized and underrepresented and that nominees should belong to the marginalized and underrepresented that they claim to represent.

As in the past two elections, the partylist results for 2013 show us an overwhelming majority of groups coming from the rich and powerful and from established political clans now gaining seats in congress. The domination of these groups has been a steady trend over the past two elections, with legitimate partylist groups being eased out of the winner’s circle. For 2013, the top partylist group BUHAY has multi-millionaires and a former Manila mayor as its incoming representatives.

In many cases, the political dynasties of a region delivered the votes for a certain partylist group whose nominees belong to that dynasty. In cases where a one family has both a partylist representative and a regular district representative, we see an increasing concentration of political power in the hands of a few. This runs counter to the “social justice” intent of the partylist system which supposedly aims to give marginalized groups unable to compete in regular district elections a chance to enter congress through a partylist system. Families not content with a regular congressional seats have now taken to using the partylist system to expand their power and influence and to accommodate relatives possibly competing for limited local positions.  It is totally possible that political dynasties use the same local election (dirty) tactics to get votes for their partylist groups.

Abono partylist was top PL in La Union getting 191,020 votes or an amazing 70.6% of the total. It was also number one in Pangasinan where it got 265,181 votes or 36.7% of the total.  Abono got most of its votes from Region I. It is believed that the Ortega and Estrella dynasties delivered votes for the group. Abono’s nominees are Conrado M. Estrella III, Francisco Emmanuel R. Ortega III. Interestingly, another Ortega won as the congressman of the first district of La Union while another Ortega won as provincial governor.

Aambis-Owa was top partylist in Iloilo getting 129,788 votes or 20% of the total because of the Garin dynasty. The group got most of its votes from Region VI. Aambis-Owa’s top nominee, incumbent Rep. Sharon Garin, a multi-millionaire comes from the powerful Garin family in Iloilo. Her brother Richard Garin also won as congressman in the first district of Iloilo.

Partylist Alay Buhay was top PL in Valenzuela  getting 70,963 votes or 38% of the total because of the powerful Gatchalian family. Alay Buhay’s top nominee is Wesley Gatchalian, a big businessman. His brother Sherwin Gatchalian also won a congressional seat in Valenzuela. Another brother, Rex also won as Mayor of Valenzuela.

AMIN was top partylsit in ARMM  getting 111, 136 votes or 32.9% of the total. The top nominee Sitti is the wife of Mujiv Hataman, who ran and won as governor of ARMM.

Ang Mata’y Aalagaan of the Velasco family as expected topped the partylist race in Marinduque. It got 18.81% of the PL votes in the province where another Velasco ran but lost his congressional bid because of a legal issue involving the Comelec.

Agbiag! Timpuyog Ilocano, whose top nominee is incumbent representative is Patricio Antonio, a former district congressman, was the top partylsit in the province of Cagayan, garnering 103,676 votes or 38.5% of the total. Another  Antonio, Patricio’s brother Bong won as provincial governor of Cagayan.

The Agrarian Development Association of the Singson family topped the partylist race in Ilocos Sur, getting 40.24% of the votes in the province. Though ADA does not appear to be headed in the winner’s circle for the partylist race, two other Singsons are poised to get seats in congress via regular congressional districts.

In Zamboanga del Sur, Zamboanga del Norte and Zamboango Sibugay,  partylist group Kakusa topped the race getting 96,250 votes or 18% of the total. Kakusa’s nominees include former Zamboanga congressman and convicted rapist Romeo Jalosjos. Their family is quite influential in the region with another Jalosjos winning a congressional seat in Zamboanga del Norte.

Partylist group ABAMIN, whose top nominee Maximo  is the brother of Cagayan de Oro representative Rufus Rodriguez, topped the partylist race in Misamis Oriental, getting 176,820 or 52.37% of the PL votes in the province. In Cagayan de Oro City where Rufus is district congressman, ABAMIN got a whopping 62.12% of the partylist votes.

Meanwhile, regional groups like Ako Bikol and An Waray continued their dominance of their respective regions. Questions however remain regarding the big business and political interests behind these groups who, in the first place, already have the means to compete in regular district elections.

The partylist system has long been taken over by political dynasties and the rich and powerful. However, things are only bound to get worse after the Supreme Court decision that has allowed non-marginalized groups and even major political parties (through their sectoral wing) to join the partylist race. The ruling will result in the greater concentration of power in the hands of a few. Expect more dynasties to put up partylist groups in the future.

The SC qualification that major political parties who field candidates in regular district elections cannot participate in the partylist race is quite useless. The problem is not the political parties per se but rather the political dynasties wanting to dominate even the partylist elections the same way they do local elections, hoping that the local votes they get will be enough to get them an additional seat in congress.

Meanwhile, legitimate sectoral groups such as Piston, Migrante, Katribu, Akap Bata, Ang Ladlad and PWD will have to try again next year to secure a seat in a race that has become that much more difficult for the already marginalized.  ###

*Partylist votes cited above come from www.comelec.gov.ph , results as of May 23, 2013.

Why Akbayan’s Kaka Bag-ao has to step down

Akbayan Rep. Arlene Bag-ao may have forfeited her position as partylist rep of Akbayan when she filed her certificate of candidacy as a member of the Liberal Party. Bag-ao is running for district representative in Dinagat. In her COC, it is clear she’s running under the Liberal Party. She was also recently appointed as congressional caretaker of Dinagat in the absence of its congressman. It was reported in the news that P140M in pork barrel funds were released while she was caretaker.

Sec 15 of the partylist law states that “any elected party-list representative who changes his political party or sectoral affiliation during his term of office shall forfeit his seat”.

The provision of the law is quite clear. There’s really no going around it.

Now if Rep. Bag-ao will say that dual-memebership is allowed, that she can be LP and Akbayan at the same time, then that exposes Akbayan’s duplicity. You can’t be marginalized on one hand and belong to the ruling party on the other. This is what we’ve been saying in the disqualification case vs Akbayan. The case of Rep. Bag-ao highlights the assertion that Akbayan is not a partylist representing the marginalized. It’s current rep in Congress is  member of and is running under the ruling party.

There is nothing wrong in stepping down now, just before the campaign period. When she steps down, the group’s next nominee can simply take her place. That is the proper thing to do. That is the principled thing to do. That is what the law requires.

Unless of course the caretaker role in Dinagat, and the PDAF that goes with it, has become more important than upholding the partylist law.

2012 and the people I will miss

Instead of the annual Mass Movement Moments, my last blog post for the year would be about the people I will truly miss, comrades whom I personally knew. This year, there were so many funerals and tributes held, with so many comrades and friends who either passed on or were killed in the struggle.

I’d like to honor their memory one more time before this year ends.

Atty. Romeo Capulong  , people’s lawyer par excellence, fought to his last breath before succumbing to a lingering illness. A genuine champion of the masses, he was hailed not just for his accomplishments in the legal arena, but also for his commitment to the cause of national and social liberation. Prof. Jose Ma. Sison called him a proletarian revolutionary fighter. For many who belonged to a younger generation, he was a patient mentor. To his numerous clients from the oppressed classes, his death was a great loss.

 

Maita Gomez became a legend for being a beauty queen turned rebel. Her passing was unexpected. She had devoted her life to the cause of women, and to the struggle for national democracy. Her sudden passing was mourned by comrades and friends. At the time of her death, Maita was the co-chair of the Makabayan Coalition. She was also one of the founders of Gabriela.

 

Arman Arbarillo first came to public attention when his parents were killed by soldiers believed to be acting under the orders of one Col. Jovito Palparan in Mindoro. Arman would go on to become the secretary general of the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan – Southern Tagalog. He would lead marches and lakbayans to Manila. He would be at the frontlines of the movement to oust to US-Arroyo regime. Because of the unjust persecution of activists in the region, Arman went underground and joined the revolutionary armed struggle. He died a Red Fighter in the province of Quezon in an military encounter with the military.

 

Willem Geertman was a Dutch development worker who had lived in the Philippines for more than three decades. He was gunned down, execution-style, in broad daylight, at Alay Bayan Inc. office in Pampanga. The suspects are believed to have links with the military. Geertman is the second European development worker killed under the Aquino regime, the first being Fr. Pops Tentorio from Mindanao. I had the chance of working with Willem during a relief mission to Nueva Ecija last year. His death also came as a terrible shock to us. His work in the Philippines, which he considered his home, was indeed outstanding. Hundreds joined his funeral march as he was buried in Aurora province.

Ed Manalo – Tsong Ed’s departure was sudden. He has long been involved in the mass movement through cultural work. He helped in the mounting of Pol-Det, a production on the plight of political prisoners staged in 2011. He was present during major mobilizations, including the recent SONA 2012. He was also our friend. He helped decorate our wedding reception, as we were full-time activists. His wake was attended by media people, artists and activists. I’m sure he will be missed in the annual December 26 “Christmas Party” of his friends who hang out in Conspiracy Cafe.

Pacita Maniquis Reyes, our mom, passed away this year at the age of 77. She was one of the strongest women I’ve known, raising three children virtually by herself, from 1992 onward. While she had initially disagreed with the complicated life I chose, she eventually came to accept and support it. It was from her that I got my own copy of the book Philippine Society and Revolution, handed down from her friend who asked her to keep it when Martial Law was declared. She was also the one who influenced me to take up music when I was 6 or 7. In her last years, she helped us raise Dylan. This is our first Christmas and New Year without her.

P.S.

There were many other comrades in the struggle who passed on this year. I may not have personally met them, and I apologize if I may not remember all their names. We celebrate their life, grieve their passing, seek justice for their deaths, and draw lessons and inspiration from their sacrifices. We are ever grateful.

They help make us stronger as we face the challenges of the coming year.

Paano at bakit ako naging aktibista

Talumpati sa Forum on Democratization

UP Diliman Sociology Department ,

Setyembre 23, 2012

Magandang umaga po. Ako si Renato Reyes, Jr, isang aktibista na ngayon ay secretry general ng Bagong Alyansang Makabayan. Ngayong 2012 ang ika-20 taon ko bilang aktibista. Maikling panahon pa rin ito kung tutuusin, kumpara sa maraming namulat nung dekada ’60,  ‘70 at ’80 na hanggang ngayon ay kumikilos pa rin.

Nagsimula ang aking involvement sa UP Diliman noong taong 1992, nung freshman ako sa College of Business Administration. Sumapi ako sa League of Filpino Students sa aking ika-3 araw sa kolehiyo.

Lumahok ako matapos kong makita ang isang lightning rally sa University Theater pagkatapos ng freshman orientation. Ang protesta ay laban sa Tuition Fee Increase o TFI. Kami ang unang batch na nakaranas ng P300 per unit, na sa panahong  iyon ay medyo mabigat lalo’t sa mga naunang taon ay P200/unit lang, at bago pa yun ay P40 per unit lang.

Noong una akong sumali sa LFS, aaminin kong medyo na-culture shock ako sa mga aktibista. Galing ako sa isang Catholic school para sa mga lalaki. Kakaiba para sa akin yung mga tibak, at marahil yung UP sa kabuuan.

Sa unang tingin, parang  merong fashion sub-culture yung mga tibak. Gulo-gulo ang mga buhok, punit-punit ang mga pantalon, naka-tsinelas o minsan Our Tribe sandals, o Chuck Taylor sneakers, may tubao, may batik shirt. Pero kung tutuusin, di naman nalalayo ang itsura nila sa mga kilalang personalidad noon sa campus tulad ng Erasersheads, Yano at si Romeo Lee (na mas wild ang itusra noong una kong nakasabay sa jeep).

Yun unang nakausap kong mga tibak, kakaiba din. Yung isa may bandage ang buong braso. Yung isa naman may mahabang scar sa kanyang mukha. Naisip ko, susmaryosep, ang tindi siguro ng mga rally dispersal na dinanas nila. Kinalaunan, malalaman ko na wala palang kinalaman sa rally ang kanilang mga injury. Vehicular accident at rumble ng frat pala ang sanhi.

Unti-unti, nakasalamuha ko ang mas maraming mga aktibista mula sa iba’t ibang kolehiyo. Napagtanto ko na yung problema pala ng UP sa tuition fee increase at mga bulok na facilities ay may kaugnayan din sa mga pambansang patakaran. Sa patakaran sa pambansang budget, sa pagbabayad ng utang at iba pang  panlipunang usapin. Nakita rin namin yung iba pang realidad sa loob at labas ng campus. Medyo nabawasan yung mga stereotype sa mga aktibista ko nung mas malapitan ko na silang makilala.

Nakita ko na may komunidad pala sa loob ng UP campus na dine-demolish din. May mga unionized workers na kinakailangang mag-welga dahil sa di makatarungang mga patakaran sa trabaho. Unang piketline na napuntahan ko ay yung sa mga nagwelgang pampublikong guro habang nasa Philippine Independent Church sila sa Taft Avenue. Nakalahok din kami sa welga sa SM, sa San Miguel dyan sa Aurora Blvd at sa PasVIl  sa may Novaliches. Nakasalamuha din namin ang mga magbubukid mula Gitnang at Timog Luzon.

Nakasama ako sa welga ng mga workers ng SM noong 1994, at dalawang beses na nakaranas ng dispersal sa loob ng SM North (at dahil sa trauma at inis ay ilang buwan din kaming di nanood ng sine dun). Nakaranas na rin ako ng dispersal sa mismong kahabaan ng riles ng LRT sa Maynila.Dun naman sa welga sa Manila Hotel natutuo kaming tumakbo hanggang may lupa dahil hinahabol kami ng mga malulupit na pulis. Nakaranas na rin kaming ma-water cannon, sa loob ng UP campus (Pres. Javier oathtaking).  At syempre, naranasan ko na ding maaresto habang nag-rarally.

Sa mga panahong ito, nakilala ko ang iba’t ibang sektor, mga ordinaryong manggagawa, magsasaka, mga urban poor, mga teachers, health workers at iba pa. Naunawaan ko yung motibasyon nila sa pagpo-protesta. Laging may malalim na batayan kung bakit sila nagpo-protesta, kung bakit kailangang mag-welga, hunger strike, barikada at iba pang porma ng collective action. Kadalasa’y hindi nakasasapat ang mga umiiral na mekanismo ng gobyerno, lalo pa’t hindi pumapabor halimbawa ang sistema ng hustisya para sa mga mahihirap. O di naman kaya masyadong malakas ang pwersa ng employer, o ng landlord kung kaya’t tanging sa sama-samang pagkilos lang pwedeng maisulong yung interes ng mga sektor.

Ah oo nga pala, yung usapin ng interes. Nakita namin yung pag—iral ng mga magkatunggaling interes. Yung interest ng mga makapangyarihan sa ekonomiya at pulitika ay taliwas o kontra dun sa nakararaming inaapi; tulad ng panginoong maylupa at magsasaka sa Hacienda Luisita, yung mga malalaking kapitalista tulad nina Danding Cojuango at Henry Sy at ang kanilang mga manggagawa.

At nakita ko rin na yung pag-protesta ay isang bahagi lamang ng mas malawak na gawain. Malaking bahagi ng oras namin ay inilalaan sa pag-oorganisa, sa edukasyon, sa pagkausap sa mga tao, sa pagbubuo ng mga samahan.

Nabawasan din yung angas naming mga estudyante lalo’t sa maraming pagkakataon, mas malalim ang pagkaka-alam ng mga inoorganisa namin kesa sa aming mga estudyanteng peti-burgis. Mas natutuo kami sa karansan ng mga manggagawa, magsasaka at iba pang maralita.

Isa sa mga inilatag na tanong ng porum na ito ay ang pangangailangang magprotesta at magbuo ng kapangyarihan laban sa mga umiiral na institusyon ng gobyerno. Sa iba’t ibang pagkakataon, kailangan ng mga protest actions para:

1. maipanalo ang mga immediate demands ng mga sektor sa pamamagitan ng sama-samang pagkilos na magbibigay ng pressure sa mga kinauukulan
2. maipahayag sa mas makararami ang mga layunin ng kilusan
3. ma-organisa at ma-konsolida ang mga lalahok tungo sa mas pangmatagalang paglaban

Sa pamamagitan ng sama-samang pagkilos ay nape-pressure ang mga kinauukulan, ang gobyerno, ang administration, ang landlord, para ibigay ang collective demand ng mga nagpo-protesta. Esensyal ito lalo’t kung aasa lang sila sa legal struggle sa mga korte at ahensya ng gobyerno, malamang hindi papabor sa kanila ang resulta.

Sa proseso ng mga actions na ito, naitatambol sa iba pang sektor ang pangangailangan ng pagkilos. Halimbawa yung pakikibaka at tagumpay ng mga magbubukid sa Hacienda Luisita ay nagsisilbing inspirasyon sa iba pang magbubukid na kumilos din.

Ang mga protesta ay hindi lamang para sa kagyat na mga kahilingan. Paraan din ito para ma-organisa ang mga kalahok. Dito nakikita ng mga tao na may kapangyarihan sa kanilang sama-samang pagkilos, na taglay nila ang tunay na kapangyarihan labas sa mga instrumento ng gobyerno.  Ito yung gusto nating i-develop na empowerment, yung sa pamamagitan ng mga organizations, unions at asosasyon. Kinalaunan, magiging mas malakas ito sa kapangyarihan ng mga naghaharing iilan sa lipunan.

Sa history natin, nagkaroon tayo ng mahabang period ng mass protests laban sa Martial Law at Marcos dictatorship, na humantong sa Edsa 1. May nangyari ding Edsa 2. May naganap ding protest movement laban kay GMA, na tumagal bilang pangulo mahigit 9 na taon. Nagkaroon din ng malakas na protest movement para mapatalsik ang base militar ng US sa ating bansa.

Lumalahok din ba kami sa eleksyon? Oo naman, dahil isang larangan din iyon para maisulong ang interests ng iba’t ibang sektor. May mga local elective posts na nilalahukan, at meron din yung tinatawag na partylist system kung saan may maliit na puwang ang mga marginalized sectors para makapsok ng Kongreso. Pero sa pangkalahatang iskema ng mga bagay-bagay, hindi yung elections ang pangunahing pokus ng gawain namin. Yung pagkakaroon ng elective positions, halimbawa sa partylist system, nakakatulong yun, pero marami ding limitasyon ang larangang iyon. Yung mga traditional parties and personalities, yung mga ruling class pa rin ang dominante sa larangang iyan. At kahit yung maliit na espasyo para sa mga marginalized at underrepresented, winawasak na rin ngayon lalo’t marami nang partlylist reps ang di naman talaga marginalized dahil mga impluwensyal at mega-rich sila. Idagdag pa natin na ang AFP ay nangangampanya laban sa mga progresibong grupo.

Sa dakong huli, ang usapin talaga ay tanging ang mamamayan ang makakapagpalaya sa kanyang sarili, at magagawa lamang ito sa sama-samang pagkilos.

Nung naging aktibista kami 20 taon na ang nakaraan, hindi naman namin hangad na mahalal sa gobyerno o maging bahagi ng gobyerno tulad ng ibang grupo dyan. Ang hangad namin ay makaambag sa pagpapalakas ng kilusan nang mamamayan nang sa gayon ay mapalitan nito ang bulok na umiiral na sistemang panig lamang sa iilan.

Tulad nyo, marami din akong agam-agam noon, marami din akong stereotypes. Hindi ko naman kayo masisisi. Pero bukod sa impresyon na ang mga aktibista ay pampatrapik lang sa kalsada, mahalagang ang papel ng kilusang ito sa pagsisiwalat ng mga isyu, pakikipaglaban para sa kagalingan ng iba’t ibang sektor, at sa pagtutulak ng tunay at makabuluhang pagbabago. At sana po ay maging bahagi din kayo ng kilusang ito.

Maraming salamat po.

Comparing Akbayan and Aquino’s campaign donors

DONORS	AKBAYAN	AQUINO
Kris Aquino	10,000,000	15,000,000
Ma. Elena  Aquino-Cruz	2,000,000	3,000,000
Victoria Aquino-Dee	2,000,000
Richard Dee	3,000,000
Rafa Lopa	250,000	500,000
Christina Lopa	250,000	500,000
Jaime Lopa	250,000	500,000
Anna L. Lopez	250,000	500,000
Michael Lopa	250,000	500,000
Philip Juico		5,000,000
Margarita Juico	1,000,000
Gregorio Yu	5,000,000	5,000,000
Daniel Lichauco	1,000,000	1,000,000

There are some similarities between the campaign donors of Akbayan and President Benigno Aquino III. The commonality of course is Aquino and his relatives and close associates.

Akbayan had around 115 cash donors and had a total of P110 million in donations as reported to Comelec. Aquino meanwhile had 96 donors for a combined P440 million.

Common donors of Akbayan and the President are the Aquino sisters, cousins, the Juicos, businessman Gregorio Yu and Daniel Lichauco of the Ninoy and Cory Foundation.

Yu became a trustee of the GSIS board after the 2010 elections and was sworn in on January 11, 2012. Margie Juico meanwhile went on to become the chair of the PCSO. Like the Cojuangco-Aquinos, the Lopas are are also known shareholders of Hacienda Luisita.

Here’s one interesting point. Noynoy’s sister and brother-in-law Victoria Dee and Richard Dee contributed a combined P5,000,000 to Akbayan’s campaign but did not contribute to Noynoy’s presidential bid, at least as far as submissions made by Aquino’s camp to Comelec will show.

Could it be that there’s more to these campaign reports that the parties and candidates are telling us?  How much of these reported contributions are real and how much are just for the sake of compliance with Comelec rules? How much of the donations were really intended for Aquino but were being made to appear as donations for Akbayan to circumvent the law.

Malacanang claims there is nothing wrong with private citizens giving donations. Maybe. But these particular donations do undermine the claims of Akbayan that it is a marginalized group. Its donors include the rich and powerful who have close ties with the President and his family. With these huge donations, Akbayan is definitely beholden to the Aquinos.

Now if Akbayan will say that the donations were intended to pay for shared TV ads with Aquino, then this is also unacceptable since this is already a circumvention of the law as stated by Comelec. Aquino wanted to exceed his allowed airtime for TV ads so he charged some airtime to Akbayan through the use of joint TV ads that featured mainly Aquino.

With common donors between them, the ties between Aquino and Akbayan are indeed deeper that previously known. These ties, along with Akbayan’s position in government, make a strong argument that it is no longer marginalized, already being a party in power with much influence and access to resources.

Meanwhile, Aquino’s defense of Akbayan shows that, despite all his claims of a ‘daang matuwid’,  this President will tolerate the violations of the partylist law. We know this through Akbayan, the Black and White Movement and other Palace-backed groups.

Akbayan received funds from Hacienda Luisita owners. Download report here

DOWNLOAD REPORT HERE:

The links between Aquino and Akbayan, even from the time of 2010 elections, show that Akbayan is really Aquino’s favored partylist. And now that Noynoy Aquino is President, questions continue to arise on how Akbayan will be using its position in the Aquino government to gain unfair advantage over the truly marginalized and underrepresented groups.

With this kind of campaign contribution, Akbayan is utterly beholden to Aquino and they will continue to be, even if Aquino’s policies run counter to the interests of the marginalized.It’s possible that part of the contribution from the Aquino siblings went to the television ads of Akbayan which were actually TV ads of Aquino. It is Aquino’s way to circumvent the law on campaign airtime, and make it appear that it is Akbayan’s airtime being used.In any case, Akbayan’s huge election spending undermines the Party’s claim of being marginalized.

We suspect that the Aquino sisters appear to be mere donors on paper, meaning, the real Akbayan campaign contributor was none other that Noynoy Aquino. We were not born yesterday. Lacierda’s claim that Aquino’s sisters were “private citizens” contributing to a campaign is baloney.

Contributors include:

Kris Aquino- P10 million

Maria Elena Cruz- P2 million

Viel Dee: P2 million

Richard Dee: P3 million

Here’s more. According to Akbayan’s statement submitted to Comelec, Rafael Cojuangco Lopa et al , Noynoy’s cousins and major stockholders of Hacienda Luisita, were also contributors to Akbayan’s campaign kitty. You draw the connection, between Hacienda Luisita and Akbayan’s campaign funds. Simply disgusting. What does that say of a party that receives campaign donations that are tainted with the blood of Luisita martyrs?

And still they claim to represent the marginalized. ###